The 2nd Bush family oil war & the decline & fall of the American empire - By David Faber


About 65% of the world’s oil reserves are concentrated in the Persian Gulf and in only five countries, while more than 50% of natural gas reserves are controlled by three countries.

                        World Oil & Gas Review 2001 

The threat continues to increase of this war that junior feels he just has to have, just like Daddy had one. It makes a mockery of the fig leaf of week’s of UN arms inspections, which have shown if anything that Iraq is rather less dangerous than many another regional power, with their Islamic, Hindu and Jewish bombs, to say nothing of the French and the British. Inspection should have been extended at the very least to all nuclear powers, and covered all weapons subject to UN conventions. Instead of which we have the unedifying and disturbing spectacle of the world’s sole superpower acting as judge, jury and executioner at large. One might be forgiven for thinking this represents a worrying precedent. 

And so now the US is preparing to open fire with its `weaponsofmassdestruction’ with a view to inflicting 500,000 hapless innocent casualties as a means to the end of removing their tyrant, who the Americans have been finding uncooperative in the petroleum stakes. Talk about overkill (an American term for an American practice.) Already the `waronterrorism’ has had its My Lai. The Pentagon is stonewalling investigation of the role of its Special Forces in the execution of 3000 `terrorist’ prisoners buried in a mass grave a kilometer square in northern Afghanistan. What will happen as 350,000 doughboys take possession of Iraq, managing the media as they go ? When it comes to human slaughter, American ruthlessness leaves the Romans for dead. But then the Romans were running a smaller outfit. 

Oil wars like Opium wars represent imperialism at its most sanctimonious and unscrupulous. This will be the most designer capitalist war in human history. Already Bush has delivered a tax cut to the plutocracy which will benefit from the conquest of Iraqi oil revenue. The American citizenry is being recruited economically and by propaganda to do the fighting, in accordance with Machiavelli’s advice about not using mercenaries. By relying on firepower the Presidency will be able to make all the war it can finance, thus avoiding what the political right considers was the sole problem with the Vietnam war: the excess number of body bags which undermined consensus. 

The polls show that the oligarchs of three continents have failed to carry their people with them, despite their best efforts to manage the media. In Africa and Asia there would hardly be a man, woman or child who would endorse this war. It is possible that quick military success might bring a majority in behind the warlords. By the same token if the war drags on as long as it did in Jugoslavia, the minority in favour of the war could dwindle. Opponents of war will of course fight on regardless. 

The United States was born flying a revolutionary flag asserting the principles of self determination and democracy in the rocket’s red glare. Now the bombs bursting in air are American and the victims are primarily civilian hostages to a quarrel between the US oligarchy and a self willed nationalist tyrant whom the Bush administration proposes to replace with it’s own military nominees and civilian political clients. The rhetoric of liberation and democracy providing political coverage for this unscrupulous operation is an obscene farce. 

History is a saga of the decline and fall of empires, which have risen only to find their imperial vocations unsustainable. Conquest and hegemony traditionally generate revenues and success legitimises the elites which promote them, but at great social cost which cannot be indefinitely borne. It is war which upholds empires and the lymph of war are blood and treasure. Given the technological and economic superiority of the US in this uneven struggle, it is the Iraqis who will do the bulk of the bleeding. But the United States, already heavily indebted, will find that it hemorrhages treasure at a rate that will not prove so readily financed in the years to come as it would like. The Great War broke the British empire financially above and beyond the appalling cost in lives, a fact which the British ruling class only reluctantly came to realise after World War II. Foreign creditors will demand punctual payment, and they too will cut their debtor only so much slack as suits them, as US investors did in respect of British obligations in their day. So Wall Street will be brought in due course to its knees, however successfully US military planners prove to be in containing casualties among their own ranks. 

Intervention in Korea, Kuwait, the Caribbean and Bosnia did not come cheaply, anymore that the long mauling in Vietnam and Indochina which humiliated the conservative regime in the US militarily and psychologically with the spectacle of a defeat which they still cannot admit to themselves and the world. The financial price to be paid for imperium, for maintaining elephantine armed forces and intelligence services and a permanent war economy represents the socioeconomic entropy of imperialism. As American power represents ever more clearly the greatest danger to world peace it will generate ever greater resentment and resistance throughout the world. Ultimately this is a prospect no which true friend of the American people can think acceptable. 

To look forward to the end of the American empire, as American thinkers like Gore Vidal, Noam Chomsky and Daniel Ellsberg do, is not to be anti-American. The American Revolution was progressive if oligarchically inspired. The US is still the State which under the firm leadership of the last great Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, suppressed a reactionary rebellion in favour of racial exploitation. Under Roosevelt the US gave the example of the New Deal to a world staggering under Depression and laissez faire dogma. Under this patrician democrat American ambition was placed at the service of global democracy in its hour of crisis and safe haven was given to Brecht and other illustrious and humble refugees from fascism. America has given us all much that is now an integral part of ourselves in the literature and the arts, from theatre and cinema to Cole Porter, Gershwin, Bernstein, jazz and the blues. It is impossible to be anti-American without spiting ourselves. We desire only the best for the people of the United States: democracy and prosperity at home, peace abroad, and a government worthy of their support. These are precisely the things we desire for ourselves as Australians, the things which are frustrated by the conservative international oligarchic consensus which rules over our heads by misinformation and the abuse of executive power. 

Now is not the time to despair. If we are not able to prevent this war, our protest may yet serve to shorten it as the Kuwaiti war was shortened by disgust at the slaughter wrought by unrestrained supremacy. And we are laying the groundwork for ever more successful opposition to the next war and the next and the next, and we will go on opposing every unjust war until the troops come home and stay home for good, if we have to pledge our lives and the lives of our children’s children’s children to achieve a lasting peace. Ultimately we cannot be defeated because we are right and it would take a multitude of Hitler’s and Mussolini’s and Gualtieri’s and Pinochet’s and Marcos’s to stop us. In the end it is a matter of Peace or Barbarism, and the future is in our hands. There is much to do and now. The warlords Shall Not Pass. 

David Faber is a freelance historian completing a PhD at Adelaide.

 When war breaks out it may be appropriate to adjust the tense at a few points

 

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